I have trouble understanding why more people aren't concerned that the President of the United States is a mentally unstable terrorist.
I guess i'm just pissed off that my wife isn't here to get me a beer. 
October       31, 2007
        Letting the Cat       Out of the Bag
        Attacking       Iran for Israel?
        By RAY McGOVERN
       
        Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice is       at her mushroom-cloud hyperbolic best, and this time Iran is       the target.  Her claim last week that "the policies of Iran       constitute perhaps the single greatest challenge to American       security interests in the Middle East and around the world"       is simply too much of a stretch.
        To gauge someone's reliability,       one depends largely on prior experience.  Sadly, Rice's credibility       suffers in comparison with Mohammed ElBaradei, head of the International       Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).  Basing his judgment on the findings       of IAEA inspectors in Iran, ElBaradei reports that there is no       evidence of an active nuclear weapons program there.
        If this sounds familiar it       is, in fact, déjà vu.  ElBaradei said the same       thing about Iraq before it was attacked.  But three days before       the invasion, American nuclear expert Dick Cheney told NBC's       Tim Russert, "I think Mr. ElBaradei is, frankly, wrong."
        Here we go again.  As in the       case of Iraq, US intelligence has been assiduously looking for       evidence of a nuclear weapons program in Iran; but, alas, in       vain.  Burned by the bogus "proof" adduced for Iraq-the       uranium from Africa, the aluminum tubes-the administration has       shied away from fabricating nuclear-related "evidence."        Are Bush and Cheney again relying on the Rumsfeld dictum, that       "the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence?"        There is a simpler answer.
        
       Cat       Out of the Bag
        The Israeli ambassador to the       US, Sallai Meridor, let the cat out of the bag while speaking       at the American Jewish Committee luncheon on Oct. 22.  In remarks       paralleling those of Rice, Meridor said Iran is the chief threat       to Israel.  Heavy on the chutzpah, he then served gratuitous       notice on Washington that countering Iran's nuclear ambitions       will take a "united United States in this matter,"       lest the Iranians conclude, "come January '09, they have       it their own way."
        Meridor stressed that "very       little time" remained to keep Iran from obtaining nuclear       weapons.  How so?  Even were there to be a nuclear program hidden       from the IAEA, no serious observer expects Iran to obtain a nuclear       weapon much sooner than five years from now.
        Truth be told, every other       year since 1995 US intelligence has been predicting that Iran       could have a nuclear weapon in about five years.  It has become       downright embarrassing-like a broken record, punctuated only       by so-called "neo-conservatives" like James Woolsey,       who in August publicly warned that the U.S. may have no choice       but to bomb Iran in order to halt Tehran's nuclear weapons program.
        Woolsey, self-described "anchor       of the Presbyterian wing of the Jewish Institute for National       Security Affairs," put it this way:  "I'm afraid that       within, well, at worst, a few months; at best, a few years; they       [the Iranians] could have the bomb."
        The day before Ambassador Meridor's       unintentionally revealing remark, Vice President Dick Cheney       reiterated, "We will not allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon."        That remark followed closely on President George W. Bush's apocalyptic       warning of World War III, should Tehran acquire the knowledge       to produce a nuclear weapon.
        The Israelis appear convinced       they have extracted a promise from Bush and Cheney that they       will help Israel nip Iran's nuclear program in the bud before       they leave office.  That is why the Israeli ambassador says there       is "very little time"-less than 15 months.
        Never mind that there is no       evidence that the Iranian nuclear program is any more weapons-related       than the one Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld persuaded President Gerald       Ford to approve in 1976.  Westinghouse and General Electric successfully       lobbied for approval to sell the Shah for $6.4 billion the kind       of nuclear facilities that Iran is now building, but the deal       fell through when the Shah was ousted in 1979.
        With 200-300 nuclear weapons       in its arsenal, the Israelis enjoy a nuclear monopoly in the       Middle East.  They mean to keep that monopoly and Israel's current       leaders are pressing for the US to obliterate Iran's fledgling       nuclear program.
        Anyone aware of Iran's ability       to retaliate realizes this would bring disaster to the whole       region and beyond.  But this has not stopped Cheney and Bush       in the past.  And the real rationale is reminiscent of the one       revealed by Philip Zelikow, confidant of Condoleezza Rice, former       member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board,       and later executive director of the 9/11 Commission.  On Oct.       10 2002, Zelikow said this to a crowd at the University of Virginia:
                 "Why would Iraq attack         America or use nuclear weapons against us?  I'll tell you what         I think the real threat is-it's the threat to Israel.  And this         is the threat that dare not speak its name...the American government         doesn't want to lean too hard on it rhetorically, because it         is not a popular sell." 
        Harbinger?
        The political offensive against       Iran coalesced as George W. Bush began his second term, with       Cheney out in front pressing for an attack on its nuclear-related       facilities.  During a Jan. 20, 2005 interview with MSNBC, just       hours before Bush's second inauguration, Cheney put Iran "right       at the top of the list of trouble spots," and noted that       negotiations and UN sanctions might fail to stop Iran's nuclear       program.  Cheney then added, with remarkable nonchalance:
        "Given the fact that       Iran has a stated policy that their objective is the destruction       of Israel, the Israelis might decide to act first, and let the       rest of the world worry about cleaning up the diplomatic mess       afterwards."
        Does this not sound like the       so-called "Cheney plan" being widely discussed in the       media today?  An Israeli attack; Iranian retaliation; the United       States springing to the defense of its "ally" Israel?
        A big fan of preemption, the       vice president was the first U.S. official to speak approvingly       of Israel's air attack on Iraq's reactor at Osirak in 1981.        He included that endorsement in his important speech of Aug.       26, 2002, in which he set the terms of reference for the subsequent       campaign to persuade Congress to approve war with Iraq.
        Cheney has done little to disguise       his attraction to Israel's penchant to preempt.  Ten years after       the attack on Osirak, then-Defense Secretary Cheney reportedly       gave Israeli Maj. Gen. David Ivri, commander of the Israeli Air       Force, a satellite photo of the Iraqi nuclear reactor destroyed       by U.S.-built Israeli aircraft.  On the photo Cheney penned,       "Thanks for the outstanding job on the Iraqi nuclear program       in 1981."
        Nothing is known of Ivri's       response, but it is a safe bet it was along the lines of "we       could not have done it without your country's help."  Indeed,       although the U.S. officially condemned the attack (the Reagan       administration was supporting Saddam Hussein's Iraq at the time),       intelligence and operational support that the Pentagon shared       with the Israelis made a major contribution to the success of       the Israeli raid.  With Vice President Cheney now calling the       shots, similar support is a virtual certainty in the event of       an Israeli attack on Iran.
        It is no secret that former       Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon was already pressing in 2003       for an early preemptive strike, insisting that Iran was likely       to obtain a nuclear weapon much earlier than the time forecast       by U.S. intelligence.  Sharon even brought his own military adviser       to brief Bush with aerial photos of Iranian nuclear-related installations.
        More troubling still, in the       fall of 2004 Gen. Brent Scowcroft, who served as national security       adviser to President George H.W. Bush and as Chair of the younger       Bush's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, made some startling       comments to the Financial Times.
        A master of discretion with       the media, Scowcroft nonetheless saw fit to make public his conclusion       that Sharon had Bush "mesmerized;" that he had our       president "wrapped around his little finger."  Needless       to say, Scowcroft was immediately ousted from the advisory board       and is now persona non grata at the White House in which       he worked for so many years.
        
       An       Unstable Infatuation
        George W. Bush first met Sharon       in 1998, when the Texas governor was taken on a tour of the Middle       East by Matthew Brooks, then executive director of the Republican       Jewish Coalition.  Sharon was foreign minister at the time and       took Bush on a helicopter tour of the Israeli occupied territories.        An Aug. 3, 2006 McClatchy wire story by Ron Hutcheson quotes       Matthew Brooks:
                 "If there's a starting         point for George W. Bush's attachment to Israel, it's the day         in late 1998, when he stood on a hilltop where Jesus delivered         the Sermon on the Mount, and, with eyes brimming with tears,         read aloud from his favorite hymn, 'Amazing Grace.'  He was very         emotional.  It was a tear-filled experience.  He brought Israel         back home with him in his heart.  I think he came away profoundly         moved."
        Bush made gratuitous but revealing       reference to that trip at the first meeting of his National Security       Council on Jan. 30, 2001.  After announcing he would abandon       the decades-long role of "honest broker" between Israelis       and Palestinians and would tilt pronouncedly toward Israel, Bush       said he had decided to take Sharon "at face value"       and unleash him.
        At that point the president       brought up his trip to Israel with the Republican Jewish Coalition       and the flight over Palestinian camps, but there was no sense       of concern for the lot of the Palestinians.  In Ron Suskind's       Price of Loyalty, then-Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, who       took part at the NSC meeting, quotes Bush:  "Looked real       bad down there," the president said with a frown.  He then       said it was time to end America's efforts in the region: "I       don't see much we can do over there at this point."
        O'Neill reported that Colin       Powell, the newly minted but nominal secretary of state, was       taken completely by surprise at this nonchalant jettisoning of       more nuanced and balanced longstanding policy.  Powell demurred,       warning that this would unleash Sharon and "the consequences       could be dire, especially for the Palestinians."  According       to O'Neill, Bush just shrugged, saying, "Sometimes a show       of strength by one side can really clarify things."  O'Neill       says that Powell seemed "startled."
        It is a safe bet that the vice       president was in no way startled.
        
       What       Now?
        The only thing that seems to       be standing in the way of a preemptive attack on Iran's nuclear       facilities is unusual-but-sensible foot-dragging by the U.S.       military.  It seems likely that the senior military leadership       has told the president and Cheney: This time let us brief you       on what to expect on Day 2, on Week 4, on Month 6-and on the       many serious things Iran can do to Israel, and to us in Iraq       and elsewhere.
        CENTCOM commander Admiral William       Fallon is reliably reported to have said, "We are not going       to do Iran on my watch."  And in an online Q-and-A on Sept.       27, award-winning Washington Post reporter Dana Priest       spoke of a possible "revolt" if pilots were ordered       to fly missions against Iran.  She added:
                 "This is a little bit         of hyperbole, but not much.  Just look at what Gen. Casey, the         Army chief, has said...that the tempo of operations in Iraq would         make it very hard for the military to respond to a major crisis         elsewhere.  Besides, it's not the 'war' or 'bombing' part that's         difficult; it's the morning after and all the days after that.          Haven't we learned that (again) from Iraq?"
        How about Congress?  Could       it act as a brake on Bush and Cheney?  Forget it.  If the American       Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) with its overflowing       coffers supports an attack on Iran, so will most of our spineless       lawmakers.  Already, AIPAC has succeeded in preventing legislation       that would have required the president to obtain advance authorization       for an attack on Iran.
        And for every Admiral Fallon,       there is someone like the inimitable retired Air Force Lt. Gen.       Thomas McInerney, a close associate of James Woolsey, "cakewalk"       Ken Adelman and other "neo-cons."  The air campaign       "will be easy," says McInerney, a FOX pundit who was       a rabid advocate of shock and awe over Iraq.  "Ahmadinejad       has nothing in Iran that we can't penetrate," he adds, and       several hundred aircraft, including stealth bombers, will be       enough to do the trick:
                 "Forty-eight hours duration,         hitting 2,500 aim points to take out their nuclear facilities,         their air defense facilities, their air force, their navy, their         Shahab-3 retaliatory missiles, and finally their command and         control.  And then let the Iranian people take their country         back."
        And the likely White House       rationale for war?  Since, particularly with the fiasco of Iraq       as backdrop, it will be a hard sell to promote the idea of an       imminent threat from a nuclear-armed Iran, the White House PR       machine has already begun focusing on other "evidence"-       amorphous so far-indicating that Iran is supporting those who       are "killing our troops in Iraq."
        The scary thing is that Cheney       is more likely to use the McInerneys and Woolseys than the Fallons       and Caseys in showing the president how "easily" it       can all be done-Cakewalk II.
        Madness.
        It is not as though our country       has lacked statesmen wise enough to warn us against foreign entanglements       and about those who have difficulty distinguishing between the       strategic interests of the United States and those of other countries:
                 "A passionate attachment         of one nation for another produces a variety of evils.  Sympathy         for the favorite nation facilitates the illusion of an imaginary         common interest in cases where no real common interest exists,         infuses into one the enmities of the other, and betrays the former         into participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without         adequate inducement or justification."
         (George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796)
         
        Ray McGovern was a CIA analyst from 1963 to 1990       and Robert Gates' branch chief in the early 1970s. McGovern now       serves on the Steering Group of Veteran Intelligence Professionals       for Sanity (VIPS). He is a contributor to Imperial       Crusades, edited by Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair.       He can be reached at: rrmcgovern@aol.com       
       A shorter version of this article appeared first on Consortiumnews.com.